Introduction
The growing and improving presence of younger individuals in African parliaments offer potential for greater age balance, but whether their potential will be fully realized remains to be seen. Globally, the youth constitute the majority of the voting population but are severely underrepresented in political life.1 While people under the age of 30 account for more than half of the world’s population, only around 2% are Members of Parliament (MP).2
The prevalence of gerontocratic systems in most countries afford older politicians a privileged advantage in attaining leadership positions, which results in a demographic imbalance characterized by the overrepresentation of the older generation.
In Namibia, the lower house has 96 elected parliamentarians and 8 appointed by the president. In total, the lower house has 104 representatives, while the upper house has 42 representatives. The lower house comprises roughly 41% women (39 members) and 59% men (57 members). Regarding youth representation, about 4% are under 30, nearly 13% are under 40, and just under 29% are under 45 years old. In contrast, the upper house has a significantly lower proportion of women, at approximately 14% (6 members), with men making up the remaining 86% (36 members). Younger individuals are also less represented in the upper house, with about 2% under 30, close to 5% under 40, and roughly 24% under 45.3
The current state of political engagement among Namibian youth is characterised by a concerning trend towards non-involvement or apathy. This is attributable to the economic instability and the youth’s lack of trust in public institutions.
Furthermore, political parties do not empower or provide young people with opportunities of being elected as MPs. While the inclusion of a few “born free” (born in post-1990 Namibia) politicians in the cabinet is a notable development, the overall picture suggests a significant underrepresentation of this demographic.
Consequently, Namibian politics, particularly within the ruling South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO), a former liberation movement and Namibia’s main political party, is dominated by the politicians of older generations.
SWAPO’s contribution to the liberation struggle has had a profound and lasting impact on fostering strong party loyalty. Nevertheless, there is still a strong pattern of hegemonic seniority, whereby the top hierarchy of SWAPO marginalise the younger generation. Exceptions are there where a few young politicians have been coopted into the system. These include Sharonice Busch, Emma Theophilus, and Esperance Luvindao.
This article focuses on the marginal representation, or lack thereof, of the “born free” generation within the national legislature. It explores the wider implications of this exclusion, particularly concerning the perspectives and priorities of a generation that has grown up in an independent Namibia and will play a key role in shaping its future.
Youth and political participation in Namibia
Historically, former liberation movements of Southern Africa played a significant role in the nationalist struggle against colonial rule. From the 1960s until Namibia attained its independence in 1990, young people played a crucial role in the liberation struggle. They were key actors in the everyday struggles, resistance, protests, and guerilla activities of that time. The youth played a critical role to the formation of the South African Peoples Organization (SWAPO) as a vanguard movement for the struggle for freedom, and later on inherited power at independence in 1990.
Nonetheless, the same generation that led the liberation struggle, upon assuming power, did not prioritize youth development as a central focus of state policy in the newly liberated areas.4 It is against this background that age, liberation struggle credentials, and political party affiliation still play a deterministic role in SWAPO, resulting in the marginalization of youth in Namibia in what is clearly a trend in some of the post-liberation Southern African countries.
Accordingly, in independent Namibia, youth are politically marginalized in parliament and excluded from politics, yet Namibia is one of the strong examples across the continent with respect to the number of women in public leadership. Article 17 (2) of the Namibian Constitution provides all citizens of Namibia the right to vote from the age of eighteen, to run for president from the age of thirty-five, and to be elected to public office from the age of twenty-one.
‘Born-free’s in Namibia feel isolated from political parties, voting in fewer numbers compared with other youth.5 Their participation in politics is hardly felt despite their constituting the largest voting age group, and a critical constituency in the country’s electorate.
Namibian youth do not engage much in politics because of perceptions that political activism and engagement does not yield results; the widespread distrust of political parties; and the lack of, or limited access to, political leadership roles. SWAPO, like most former liberation movements-turned-political parties in Africa, is exclusionary, top-heavy, and dominated by the older generation of “liberation fighters,” while marginalizing the youth from political power.
Despite the Constitution assuring free and fair participation of citizens in politics, the youth remain disengaged. Thus, their inclusion in parliament is limited or overlooked.
Where are the ‘born free’ men in parliament?
In November 2024, Namibians elected the first female President in Southern Africa, joining a small list of current and former women African Presidents such as Joyce Banda of Malawi, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, and Samia Saluhu of Tanzania. This represents some political progress by African women breaking the glass ceiling by getting elected as presidents in their countries.
Indeed, the new cabinet is a classic example that Africa, particularly Southern Africa, could learn from regarding how to promote women beyond the usual subordinate positions (such as deputies or assistants). However, there is a need to also be mindful that a gap could also be created by paying greater attention to the promotion of more women in parliament, as this may have the impact of making more “born free” men invisible.
President Netumbo’s Nandi Ndaitwah’s new cabinet is made up of 14 ministers, 8 women and 6 men, thus 53% women and 40% men. However, this cabinet comprises of women and men above the age of 50 and only two “born free,” women aged 34 and 29. This is different from the cabinet of the previous administration, which had 12 men and 9 women, of which 17 men and 2 women were deputy ministers.6
Although the current female majority cabinet symbolises a push for gender equality, it also reinforces the invisibility of the “born free” men in Namibia. It should also be noted that many African countries, including Namibia, still grapple with discrimination or marginalisation based on age.
The “born free” are usually associated with the opposition parties as they are more inclined to be more sympathetic towards the plight of youth. This is why the “born free’’ are more active in opposition politics, for example, in South Africa, Uganda, and Zimbabwe.
The new cabinet is an illustration of the end of an era where majority of women played second fiddle to their counterparts. There are lessons that Southern African nations could take from the Namibian new cabinet as Namibia is a signatory to various regional and international instruments focused on promoting gender equality. These instruments include Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) and SADC Protocol on Gender and Development.
However, it is also a reminder that the boy child, based on gender and age, is being marginalised. The Namibian new cabinet is a classic example of how the “born free” are invisible, particularly the men, whilst young women are the focus of attention.
It is true that there has been an increase of young African women in political leadership positions. However, there is still a gap regarding the inclusion of young women. Youth are likely to have political interests that are different from other voting groups; hence, their participation would provide an opportunity to represent their interests. However, they remain marginalised and have a very low representation in parliament.
Whilst SWAPO’s older generation continues to expand its influence, there are limited opportunities for the younger generation to occupy higher offices. Accordingly, “politics tends to be reproduced through established networks and bonds with a low degree of permissiveness, which reinforces the nature of the competitive authoritarian regime under the control of ‘old men’.”7
Conclusion
African countries could learn more about, and recognize the importance, of not only gender equality, but also of the need of an intergenerational mix in political leadership. If the youth as part of a broader society are not included or represented in political leadership, democracy cannot be sustained. An intergenerational mix highlights the significance of having a variety of age groups represented in the parliament.
However, this is still a challenge for most of Southern African countries whose politics are dominated by the fast-aging erstwhile cadres of former liberation movements turned ruling political classes.
Endnotes
- Stockemer, Daniel, and Aksel Sundström. Youth without Representation: The Absence of Young Adults in Parliaments, Cabinets, and Candidacies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2022.=
- Amupanda, Job S. “Who Is in the ‘We’? Interrogating the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and Youth Political Participation.” International Journal of African Renaissance Studies – Multi-, Inter- and Transdisciplinarity13, no. 1 (2018): 56–76. https://doi.org/10.1080/18186874.2018.146663.
- Namibia: Country Profile | Freedom House
- IPU Youth 2018. PDF. https://aceproject.org/ace-en/topics/em/elections-and-youth/the-case-of-namibia/mobile_browsing/onePag
- “Nandi-Ndaitwah’s Cabinet Takes Shape with a Bold New Direction.” The Namibian. Accessed April 30, 2025. https://www.namibian.com.na/nandi-ndaitwahs-cabinet-takes-shape-with-a-bold-new-direction/
- Melber, Henning, Daniel Kromrey, and Martin Welz. “Changing of the Guard? An Anatomy of Power within SWAPO of Namibia.” African Affairs116, no. 463 (2017): 284–310.
- Ibid.
