Introduction

The Sit-at-Home protest, also known as “Ghost Town,” emerged in 2021 1 as a major source of crisis in Southeast Nigeria. This protest involved individuals voluntarily abstaining from engaging in their regular daily activities, including work, school, business, and social interactions in response to calls by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) to adopt civil disobedience and boycott economic activities on designated days (i.e., Mondays of every week), in protest against the detention and trial of its leader Mazi Nnamdi Kalu, 2 and to demand for his release by Nigeria’s federal government. The emergence of IPOB can be traced to historical, political, and social factors, linked to the post-Nigerian Civil War marginalization of the Igbo people of Southeastern Nigeria and the demand for the return of the sovereign state of Biafra.3 However, IPOB’s stay-at-home protest has fueled a major crisis impacting the Southeast’s socio-economic and security landscape. Some estimates have put the extent of losses incurred as a result of the sit-at-home protests at N5.375 trillion.4 This essay examines the consequences of the protest on security in Nigeria’s Southeast region.

Causes of the Sit-at-Home Protest

The IPOB-led Sit-at-Home protest can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, a deep-rooted sense of marginalization, alienation, and grievances among the youth of Southeastern Nigeria. This protest is largely driven by a sense of grievance felt by the youth, and further exacerbated by the memories of the Nigerian Civil War (1967 to 1970), during which time, the Igbo ethnic group of Southeastern Nigeria (Biafra) attempted unsuccessfully to secede from Nigeria on the grounds of their marginalization, but were eventually defeated by the federal armed forces in January 1970. The continued marginalization of the region was perceived as discrimination against the Igbo, especially in terms of non-appointments to high-level positions at federal government agencies and institutions, and the near absence of huge federal infrastructural projects in that part of the country. This increasingly fueled anger and alienation, which later contributed to the resurgence of several neo-Biafran groups. Especially after Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999, the neo-Biafran groups have led the agitation for self-determination by the creation of a separate nation of Biafra from Nigeria in pursuit of political autonomy.5 Secondly, the highhanded response of the federal military and security agencies to the initial protests later culminated in the arrest and detention of Nnamdi Kanu, the charismatic leader of IPOB, further contributing to the radicalization of the organization. Given the high-handed response to public demonstrations and clashes between security operatives and protesters sympathetic to IPOB’s cause, they resorted to the Sit-at-Home action as a form of non-violent protest to demand for the release of its detained leader, following his extradition from Kenya’s detention and trial after being charged for treason.

According to Onuoha, the neo-Biafran movement illustrates the strength of political opposition, and the presence of various mechanisms that ethno-nationalist groups employ to oppose and contest the established power structures of the state in their pursuit of self-determination.6 He argues that ethnic groups possess the ability to create their own unique ‘cultural repertoires’ as a means of shaping their collective identity, recognizing external identities (referred to as the ‘other’), and reinforcing the boundaries of their collective group identity.7

Socio-Economic Consequences

The Sit-at-Home protest has contributed to widespread losses of business opportunities and jobs, decreased productivity, and disinvestment. Many small-scale businesses suffer because a significant portion of the businesses’ operating daily savings schemes, where they commit a fixed amount of money each day to a revolving saving scheme, also encounter difficulties in contributing their daily saving on Mondays. As a result, when their savings decrease, the potential for future investments also diminishes. It is reported that businesses in the Southeast generate daily revenues ranging from N5.46 billion to N31.39 billion.8 Losing approximately five days each month since October 2021 to May 2025 (over 44 months) amounts to a total of about 191 lost days (Mondays), resulting in a loss of earnings on sit-at-home days estimated to be between N900.9 billion and N7.6 trillion.9

The insecurity in the region has contributed to disinvestment, and the Southeast geo-political zone potential for development has also been disrupted.10 Educational activities in schools and universities in the region have also experienced disruptions, denying students access to uninterrupted education.11 An example of this was captured by the viral video of the assault on primary school students sitting for secondary school entrance examinations,12 by protesters suspected to be IPOB members. This was reportedly for defying the sit-at-home order. Such instances, including acts of arson against police stations, public infrastructure, homes of suspected enemies and saboteurs of IPOB’s cause, and skirmishes between IPOB and security operatives, have escalated tensions and insecurity in Southeastern Nigeria.

Insecurity and threats to life and property

The prolonged Sit-at-Home protest has exacerbated insecurity in Southeast Nigeria. The Eastern Security Network (ESN), a paramilitary organization affiliated with IPOB, has, in response to security threats posed by alleged terrorist activities (reportedly by Fulani herdsmen),13 killed some soldiers, policemen, and men of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps in Ehime Mbano Local Government Area of Imo State.14 In May and August of 2021, police stations in Orsu and Oguta in Imo State were attacked and police men on duty killed by militias suspected of being sympathetic to IPOB.15 It was also reported that “One hundred and seventy five security personnel were killed by IPOB, comprising one hundred and twenty eighty (128) police men, thirty seven (37) military personnel, and ten (10) other security operatives.”16 In another report, “the government also alleged that IPOB members carried out 19 attacks on the facilities of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), resulting in the burning of 18 vehicles, destruction of offices as well as burning of several election materials, equipment and ICT gadgets in Abia, Akwa-Ibom, Anambra, Cross River, Enugu, Ebonyi, and Imo States.”17 Furthermore, the transportation sector plays a crucial role in the Southeast, since the region is home to the Onitsha main market and the Aba market, both significant markets in the country. However, during each sit-at-home day, transport operators incur a substantial financial loss, amounting to a staggering ten billion naira and above per year since October 2020 till May 2025 (equivalent to £18.5 million).18

Addressing the Crisis: Concluding Remarks

Addressing the Sit-at-Home Protest and the demands of IPOB, including the release of Nnamdi Kanu, requires a comprehensive political and legal approach. This political option calls for constructive dialogue between all stakeholders in a non-confrontational manner. Federal Government, Southeast Governors, traditional leaders, IPOB representatives, pertinent stakeholders (such as Ohanaeze Ndigbo, MASSOB, and others), should engage in meaningful conversations that addresses the root causes of the crisis to find mutually acceptable solutions to existing grievances. In addition, the federal government can explore the option of releasing Nnamdi Kanu on bail, an action still within the ambits of the law and backed by court injunctions. This would douse the already growing tension in Southeast Nigeria, opening the door to mediation and peace negotiations.

Endnotes

  1. Nwanze Cheta, “The cost of silence: Reclaiming the southeast from sit-at-home disruption,” BusinessDay, May 28, 2025, https://businessday.ng/opinion/article/the-cost-of-silence-reclaiming-the-southeast-from-sit-at-home-disruption/.
  2. Nasir Ayitogo, “Analysis: Despite Nnamdi Kanu’s incarceration, IPOB-linked killings, attacks continue in South-east,” Premium Times, October 19, 2022, https://www.premiumtimesng.com/n ews/headlines/479379-analysis-despite-nnamdi-kanus-incarceration-ipob-linked-killings-attacks-continue-in-south-east.html.
  3. Dickson Okafor, “IPOB: An expression of Igbo marginalization – Okoro,” The Sun, October 4, 2017, https://www.sunnewsonline.com/ipob-an-expression-of-igbo-marginalization-okoro/.
  4. Odinaka, “Sit-at-home: South-East businesses lose N5.4trn after wasting 71 Mondays,” Dataphyre, May 2, 2023, https://www.dataphyte.com/latest-reports/sit-at-home-south-east-busineses-lose-n5-4trn-after-wasting-71-mondays/.
  5. Nwangwu Chikodiri, “Neo-Biafra separatist agitations, state repression and insecurity in South-East, Nigeria,” Society 60, no. 1 (2023): 40–53..
  6. Onuoha Godwin, “Cultural interfaces of self-determination and the rise of the neo-Biafran movement in Nigeria,” Review of African Political Economy 40, no. 137 (2013): 428–46.
  7. Chinedu Osita Fabian, Fabian Anoke Amechi, and Uchechukwu Eze Solomon, “Mandatory Sit-at-home Order by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) and Economic Activities in South East, Nigeria,” International Journal of Economics, Business and Management Research 6, no. 7 (2022): 1–12.
  8. Igbinadolor Nosa, “South-East bleeds N4trn in 2years over insecurity, sit-at-home protests,” BusinessDay, December 13, 2022, https://businessday.ng/business-economy/article/south-east-bleeds-n4trn-in-2years-over-insecurity-sit-at-home-protests/.
  9. Nosa, Igbinadolor.
  10. Nkiru Chibueze Chinenye, “Insecurity and Economic Development in South-East Nigeria since 2020,” Nigerian Journal of Arts and Humanities (NJAH) 2 (2023): 76–86.
  11. Sahara Reporters, “South-East pupils Shun Schools on Monday despite IPOB’s cancellation of Sit-at-home-order,” November 15, 2021, https://saharareporters.com/2021/11/15/south-east-pupils-shun-schools-monday-despite-ipob’s-cancellation-sit-home-order.
  12. Francis Ugwu, “Sit-at-home: Primary school pupils brutalized, wail as unknown gunmen flog them in Enugu,” DailyPost, July 5, 2023, https://dailypost.ng/2023/07/05/sit-at-home-primary-school-pupils-brutalized-wail-as-unknown-gunmen-flog-them-in-enugu/.
  13. Vanguard, “IPOB celebrates 4th anniversary of ESN, urges Biafrans to support security network,” January 30, 2025, https://www.vanguardngr.com/2025/01/ipob-celebrates-4th-anniversary-of-esn-urges-biafrans-to-support-security-network/.
  14. Solomon Odeniyi, “FG mourns slain personnel in Imo, goes after perpetrators,” Punch, September 21, 2023, https://punchng.com/fg-mourns-slain-security-personnel-in-imo/.
  15. Chidiebube Okeoma, “Fresh attack rocks Imo police station, cops death toll rises to 25,” Punch, August 15, 2021, https://punchng.com/fresh-attack-rocks-imo-police-station-cops-death-toll-rises-to-25/.
  16. Samuel Akpan, “FG: IPOB attacked 164 police stations, killed 175 security operatives,” The Cable, October 22, 2022, https://www.thecable.ng/just-in-ipob-attacked-164-police-stations-killed-175-security-operatives-says-fg Samuel Akpan.
  17. Akinola Ajibola. “FG Accuses Nnamdi Kanu of Inciting Attacks That Killed 175 Security Personnel, Several Others,” Channels TV, October 22, 2022, https://www.channelstv.com/2021/10/22/breaking-fg-accuses-nnamdi-kanu-of-inciting-attacks-that-killed-175-security-personnel-several-others/.
  18. Chinonso Ogba Michael, Joseph Akogwu Chukwunonso, and Dennis Ezeh Kelechukwu, “Sit-at-Home Order and Socio-economic Development in the Southeast: Implications,” South East Political Science Review 8, no. 2 (2023): 134–143.
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